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But
a mere three years later, in Totem and
Taboo, Freud speculated that a hellish and
ultimately insurmountable ambivalence toward the
father and its belated consequences -- guilt,
repression and reaction-formation -- form the
bedrock of cultural and political existence. This
had a twofold effect. It meant that the relative
freedom from fear and intimidation that Freud had
celebrated in Leonardo can no longer be considered
a genuine option for humanity, since abortive
attempts at rebellion and restitution with the
father represent an inherited constitutional
pre-disposition. By linking rebellion against the
father to events in a remote, pre-historic past,
rather than real life contemporary conditions, and
by emphasizing the cyclic, repetitive and
ultimately self-defeating patterns of obsessional
neuroses that are presumably at work here, Freud
started a trend among the orthodox, who
characteristically link rebellion against the
father to infantilism, irrationality and the
avoidance of maturity (e.g. Rudnytsky,
1987b).
Up
until 1910, Leonardo was Freud's intellectual hero.
His next role model, Moses, cuts a very different
figure. Moses resembles Leonardo in that he dies
before reaping the benefits of his efforts, or
entering the 'promised land.' But Moses is no
scientist. He is a law-giver and a group leader,
whose prodigious capacity for sublimation gave him
a moral authority that his followers admired,
envied and feared (Freud, 1914). Like Leonardo,
Moses was an outsider, in that he is not Jewish,
but Egyptian. Indeed, Freud declares that Moses
attempted to revive Ahkenaton's monotheistic
heresy, only to be murdered for his zeal. But the
practical consequence of Moses' murder by the
Israelites is that Moses was an outsider who is
loved and feared by his followers ,who organize
their society (or cult) around his memory in
perpetuity.
In
view of the complexity of Freud's character, it is
impossible to trace all the threads uniting Freud
to his imaginary others here. Suffice it to say
that Leonardo and Moses are emblematic of Freud
himself at different stages in his career. At
first, like Leonardo, he is a loner and outsider,
in danger of dying in obscurity, to be discovered
centuries hence. By contrast, the Moses material
attests to Freud's ultimately triumphant conviction
that, instead of being rediscovered by more
enlightened people generations hence, he had a
palpable impact on human affairs by mustering a
sufficiently devoted following to carry on his work
and memory.
The
critical difference between Leonardo and Moses lies
in their relationship to paternal authority.
Leonardo rejects it, and gains immeasurably in
scientific objectivity, only to die in obscurity.
Moses, by contrast, embodies it, and gains a
firm grip on posterity -- a surrogate immortality
-- though he must sacrifice his life to do so.
Freud's Leonardo and Moses express the pathos
appropriate to different stages of Freud's life.
What emerges, however, is that Freud's yearning
for immortality probably prompted his increasing
identification with the father, which dictated his
abandonment of infantile sexual researches and his
increasing emphasis on the Oedipus motif
.
The
process begun by Freud was carried on by his
followers in the International Psychoanalytic
Association. As a result faith in the child's
disposition to truth became divorced from the idea
of infantile sexual researches and forgotten by the
mainstream. The second major instalment in this
story is the reception accorded to Sandor Ferenczi
in the late 1920's and 30's. Unlike Freud, Ferenczi
became increasingly impressed by the child's
disposition to truth, and provided Freud with an
unwelcome reminder of his earlier ideas and
commitments in this regard (Fromm, 1970a). Though
attempts to rehabilitate Ferenczi have been
increasingly successful of late (e.g. Stanton,
1990), the prevailing consensus for many years was
that Ferenczi was mad. Indeed, until very recently
his advocates, like Erich Fromm and Ian Suttie,
were treated as marginal or unbalanced figures by
the analytic mainstream (Burston, 1991).
As
another illustration of this trend, when Erik
Erikson introduced the disposition to truth as a
uniquely adolescent preoccupation in
connection with Dora (Erikson, 1961), he
made a sensible allowance for the pathogenic impact
of adult duplicity and seductiveness on a teenager
whose passion for simple fidelity to fact struck
her adult guardians and seducers as naive and
querulous. But Erikson never asked whether her
insistence on fidelity to fact was merely a more
mature expression of a more general human tendency
that Freud once thought he saw in children. This
shows how profoundly repressed the subject was in
the wake of Ferenczi's dissension.
Finally,
in 1964, Ronald Laing and Aaron Esterson published
a brilliant and deeply disturbing book entitled
Sanity, Madness and the Family, which
thematized the role of parental duplicity in the
psychogenesis of schizophrenia. It is a sad but
striking commentary on the history of
psychoanalysis that a half a century after
Freuds initial reflections on this topic,
they did not have a well developed body of analytic
theory to draw on, and that in order to make their
point, they even felt constrained to adopt a
phenomenological approach, and to bracket all
psychodynamic interpretations in the process
(Burston, 2000).
But
if the child's disposition to truth and its
struggle with adult authority have not been
addressed adequately in the analytic literature, in
another sense the whole issue simply will not go
away. Recent years have witnessed a whole new
literature which purports to explain how Freud went
wrong by blaming the victim for their own
victimization, and his (conscious or unconscious)
complicity in veiling the existence of the
seductive, punitive and duplicitous adult world
that the child must adapt to. Of these, the
writings of Jeffrey Masson and Alice Miller, both
former psychoanalysts, are the most widely read and
discussed outside the profession nowadays.
In
fairness to Masson, Freud may have minimized the
extent to which real seduction occurs after 1897
(Masson, 1984). But Masson mistakenly argues that
the validity of psychoanalysis hinges on a single
etiological hypotheses -- namely, the seduction
theory. In fact, the validity of psychoanalysis
does not rest on any individual etiological
hypotheses, but on the method employed in
the analytic dialogue, in which a variety of
etiological hypotheses are entertained, and if need
be, discarded with the passage of time. Admittedly,
Freud's later insistence on the centrality of the
Oedipus complex may diminish an analyst's capacity
for radical openness and receptivity to the
patient, by encouraging him to fit the data onto a
Procrustean bed of theoretical assumptions that do
not fit the case. But the attempt to debunk the
theory of unconscious fantasy by returning to the
seduction theory is not progress. On the contrary,
it is a retrograde motion, which is even more
simplistic and doctrinaire than the ideas Masson
attacks (Lothane, 1987).
As
for Miller, the concept of 'poisonous pedagogy' has
much to commend it. But contrary to what Miller
claims, Freud did not drop the traumatic
theory of the neuroses in the 1880's and effect an
immediate Oedipalization of his clinical theory,
buttressed later with his drive theory (Miller,
1985). On the contrary, the rudiments of Freud's
drive-theory predate Oedipal hegemony, and are
already adumbrated alongside the traumatic theory
of the neuroses, as the Fliess material amply
attests (Masson, 1985).
Moreover,
there is something cranky and sectarian in Miller's
insistence that the correct theory of therapy is
Freud's notion of the traumatic neuroses circa
1896. By adopting this posture, she invalidates a
wealth of wisdom that has accrued since Freud. And
whether from prudery or short-sightedness, Miller
jettisons something integral to Freud that is
scientifically sound. Freud erred in attempting to
derive scientific curiosity from childish sexual
fantasies exclusively, but the fact remains that
children's curiosity about their erogenous zones,
those of their parents, and the role of the
genitalia in producing new babies is as deep and
compelling as Freud depicted it. Miller seems to
think that the recognition of adult duplicity and
seductiveness, and the frequent invocation of
phantasy to dismiss or minimize real traumas,
proves the child's "innocence" in the obsolete,
Victorian sense of the term. Nothing is further
from the truth. Sexuality is too deeply woven into
the fabric of nature for children not to be
sexual beings, and Miller's rhetoric sounds
suspiciously similar to the old-fashioned Victorian
homilies about children that Freud and his
followers rightly challenged.
In
view of recent history , and the artificially
polarized climate of opinion created by Miller and
Masson, it is not clear whether the child's
disposition to truth and the abrupt attenuation of
Freud's interest in infantile sexual researches
will ever be addressed in analytic circles with the
clarity and seriousness they deserve. Freud himself
was averse to doing so, and even now, resistances
to tangling with these problems in the analytic
community are strong and deeply rooted.
Nevertheless, if we can set aside our misplaced
loyalty to the master, and the simplistic polemics
of his harshest critics, the resulting discussion
could be extremely productive from both a clinical
and theoretical point of view.
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